Sunday, 30 November 2014

It's a curious thing ...

It is curious thing to put yourself forward for adjudication of your suitability by your peers.

I grew up in the SNP. My mum is my inspiration.  She joined the SNP as a 14 year old in 1966. My grandad actively campaigned against her in the late 1980s when she stood against Gordon Brown. My gran would’ve put up a poster to support her, but my grandad – an Irish miner – was adamant that she didn’t.

My grandad gave me a pen, one he’d been given by Gordon Brown.  It was a Parker pen. One he treasured highly. It was a reward for his campaigning for Labour, or so he told me at the time.  I have to take his word on that, though he was known to extend a tall story or two.

Anyway, my grandad. He campaigned against my mum. He didn’t live in her council ward though. She was elected to Fife Regional Council in 1986. He and my gran moved in to my mum’s ward in order to be in supported accommodation in the early nineties.

After John Smith died and Tony Blair started his ascent in the Labour Party my grandad was disillusioned. As a miner he couldn’t believe that Labour would abolish Clause IV. He used to teach me trigonometry.  Instead that was replaced by a diatribe about what Labour were doing and how they had moved away from people like him. He thought that a new Labour government would abolish Thatcherite anti-trade union laws. He was wrong.

He died before he could vote for my mum. And he would have.

He would be devastated to see the Labour Party as they are now.

So, I was brought in the SNP. My dad didn’t join until the early eighties. He joined after the referendum in 1979. He had been Labour but couldn’t believe Labour had torpedoed their own referendum.

My  childhood was spent attending anti poll-tax rallies, we went to anti- nuclear rallies. I knew “what do we want? Independence...” chants as well as I knew the alphabet.

My childhood was political.  One of my first memories is leafleting for my mum.. When I went to university I decided I didn’t want to be involved in university politics.

After I left university I didn't know what I wanted to do; definitely not a lawyer as planned, so I continued to work in McDonalds as a recruitment, training and Human Resources officer before I went to work in advocacy for single parents in Lanarkshire.

Now I work in policy in the third sector.

I actually never planned to go in to elected politics due to a very disabling fear of public speaking that I have written about at length elsewhere. However, the referendum came along, Women For Independence came along, and both changed my life.

I decided I wanted to be involved. And in order to do that I'd just have to get out there and speak until it became more natural. It's been a battle, but three weeks ago I got to speak to a crowd of tens of thousands in Barcelona. And so, it's been a privilege as well.

I stood for the by-election in Cowdenbeath. I always knew it was a long shot. It's Gordon Brown territory and Alex Rowley, his most trusted bag carrier. What I didn't expect was that the Labour Party would be so vicious. It's little wonder that so many women are reluctant to get in to politics with the level of vitriol with which Labour fight elections. It's personal, it seems threatening and it certainly isn’t pretty. And worst of all, no women in the Labour Party condemns it. I did get a few DMs from senior Labour men about it, but none had the courage to publicly comment on their behaviour.

I lost, but it was a learning experience. It made the decision to put myself forward to stand in 2015 a more educated one, and it has taken a lot of soul searching to get to this point. When you know how the Labour Party machine works first hand, voluntarily going there a second time isn't the easiest decision to make.

I've been the Convenor of Glasgow SNP for three years. I’ve been privileged to campaign for many outstanding SNP candidates over the last thirty years. Many we lost, but more recently, many more we now win.

I wouldn't put myself forward if I didn't think I had something to give. We need more voices at Westminster. We need people to hold them to account, and yes, we need more women involved in organised politics. That just 23% of elected MPs are women is a scandal. And  it is little wonder therefore that some of the legislation that comes from Westminster is so anti-women.

But I am not asking people to select me because I am a woman, but because I think I have something to bring, and a total commitment to being a representative voice in Westminster. I am absolutely committed to the eradication of child poverty, the fight for fair and equal pay and to tackling the crippling inequality we face in Scotland and the UK. I want to be a strong voice for those who haven't found their voice yet and for those who have and know that things should be better than they are in a rich country like ours; that keeping people in poverty is a political choice when the powers to change it go unused.

It's not for personal glory, but an unshakeable belief that we need to do politics better, and that means new voices and more voices at Westminster. A candidate is part of a team.

Essentially, the decision to put myself forward is mine, but the decision as to whether I am selected lies with SNP members, new and old.

It is curious thing to put yourself forward for adjudication of your suitability by your peers.


Saturday, 19 July 2014

But. But. Where is Better Together in Glasgow?

Democracy. Discussion. Questions.

All three words which should be encouraged by proponents of either position in this referendum, but, but, where are the No Thanks campaign in Glasgow?

Recent polling has shown - albeit based on small sample sizes- that attitudes to independence chime with what the various plethora of Yes side organisations and groups are finding on the doorsteps in Glasgow; that not only is Glasgow receptive to the idea of independence but is consistently out-polling the No campaign.

There are many reasons which could explain this, rooted in the apparent wealth demographic divergence in attitudes to independence, with Glasgow unproudly having the distinction of some of the poorest and most democratically deprived areas in Western Europe, and potentially the most to gain from a change of system.

Yet Glasgow, with the notable exception of the Scottish Parliament elections of 2011 and the European Elections of 2009, has - where increasingly smaller numbers of people have voted - consistently stuck with the Labour Party through thick and a hell of a lot of thin. Glasgow has placed trust in Labour even whilst Labour in Government in the UK presided over growing and irrepressible inequality.


Those voting in 2010 in Glasgow overwhelmingly placed their trust in Labour to stop the Tories at Westminster, and that trust was rewarded with Labour MPs who failed to stop a coalition government and have continued to fail them since. No wonder that Glasgow rejected Labour in 2011.

Campaigning in 2011, it was clear to see that the accord between Glasgow and Labour hegemony was fractured.

Fast forward to 2014 and where are Glasgow Labour in the Better Together Campaign?

With the notable exception of Cathcart Labour, which occasionally doubles up as Better Together with the same cast, Labour is almost entirely silent save for those occasions where the big beasts come to town and they struggle to pull together teams.

This weekend in Glasgow, two months out from the referendum, there are two Better Together meet points and two sessions of Blether Together at UKOK head office. Compare and contrast with Yes in Glasgow. Friday night saw a huge event with ex Labour Deputy General Secretary Tam Sheppard speaking and the weekend is full of activity; from Yes Glasgow's massive super Saturday in Pollok to the local events in every nook and cranny of the city.

I've seen Anas Sarwar direct the Labour Campaign bus to the Southside so he could glad hand in Bungo in the Back Lanes whilst the bus parked ineffectively and illegally on Yellow lines - a trend apparently, if pics from other areas are to be believed. It didn't actually work that well for Anas. A local business owner was quite discombobulated that Anas wasn't aware of them despite 20+ years of business here. He was so annoyed he told me with no provocation, apropos of nothing, when I went to get some pakora from his stall.

Yes Glasgow, RIC, Women For Independence, National Collective, the Common Weal, Labour For independence and others are all contributing to the Yes message in Glasgow. We are out day in and day out speaking to voters on their doorsteps, in their communities. We have had so many open public events I couldn't even begin to calculate them. They aren't unusual.

Democracy in Scotland may have felt out of reach for many people in Scotland for many years, but this campaign has given people the opportunity to go along to Yes events and eyeball and question the people who want Scotland to become independent. We aren't shy. We aren't hiding. We are open. We aren't perfect, but we are out there making our case for a Yes without discrimination. Day in and day out, we take questions, we are open.

In January of 2013 we had the open public launch of Yes Glasgow which attracted over 700 people. We didn't screen anyone who came. We were open. Compare and contrast with Better Together who launched in Glasgow six months later in a muted, two thirds full Mitchell Library where attendees were vetted. It may have been more muted as they had invited celebrity for an event in Hampden who dingyed them, right enough. If you wanted to attend, you found out the location the day before.

That isn't openness. That isn't democracy. It is exclusion, elitism and entitlement.

Yes Glasgow tried very hard to organise an open public debate in Glasgow. Better Together not only refused, but they nobbled every attempt we made to have a dynamic and representative panel. They called people, they sent out diktats. They should have engaged.

We were privileged that 3 principled No voters came along to make the case, but it was done with Better Together's disapproval. We offered them the chance to work together to jointly advertise; to pick the panel and the chair, and they refused.

To date there hasn't been a single open public event from the No camp in Glasgow. If people have questions, they can get answers from Yes, but not from No.

Apathy has been the victor in election after election in Glasgow for many years. This time we are "aff our couches" because the binary nature of the referendum means that every vote counts and that is an easy concept. People are becomingly ever increasingly interested and engaged. Will they forgive Labour for their cowardice and lack of openness?

Labour are hiding in and from Glasgow. Is it because they know that Glasgow has the cut of their jib?

I reiterate an offer to an open and public debate.

Saturday, 17 May 2014

Grassroots are Grown, Not Bought

It creates a curious dichotomy, this referendum of ours.

  I spent a lovely evening a few nights ago with friends of old and with new friends formed though the medium of twitter. As we were all mainly political types, the conversation careered from female reproductive rights via drugs legislation and prostitution, ending up - inevitably - on the hot topic of the moment, the referendum. A friend - who shall remain nameless - was the solitary No voter in our collective of five.

In some respects it would have been easier had there been more, but the crowd I run around in - and my non-political peers constantly surprise me by telling me they are voting or considering voting yes - is overwhelmingly pro-independence. Contrary to any assertion otherwise, my peers have arrived at this position entirely of their own volition. A friend makes a very poor canvass subject, but they do provide enlightening views unconsidered by us political types.

I mention all of the above because I have spent the last week indignant; bemused at the coverage which traditional media have afforded to No Borders, the astroturf, Tory donor funded campaign for a No vote.

Cast off traditional political persuasions to ask yourself whether you think that a campaign which is run from London, with cash sourced through London, speaks to or for people in Scotland. It is difficult to discern whether the views attributed to the "normal" subjects of the advert campaign belong to the subject.

There is no wrong view in this referendum of ours, there are many questions, and a lot of uncertainty, but, call me a cynic, I genuinely don't believe anyone is voting no because they believe in a pro-union construct that us Yes types spend a Saturday evening in watching Braveheart.

So I have found myself alternately shaking my head and convulsing with laugher at these poor, unassuming persons who No Borders have caricatured for the world to view. One says she doesn't want independence to end up with Mel Gibson chasing a haggis around the highlands. That isn't just an unpalatable view, it is wholly made up. If it isn't, and I owe apologies to X from Pollock (sic), I despair.

There does seem - in traditional media at least - a desire to give parity to both sides of the referendum debate, but it is difficult to give parity where there is an imbalance organisationally.

Having previously mocked the many Non-Yes Scotland grassroots organisations, it seems that Better Together and other proponents of a No vote have awoken to the fact that their existence gives the Yes side of the debate superior spending power, and have, as a result, started a smear campaign against said autonomous groups.

I have spent the last two years actively engaged with Women For Independence. We have been speaking to women across Scotland about the referendum and trying to ensure gender balance in meetings, striving to make broadcast media aware and take cognisance of the need for women's voices in programming.

Women For independence predates the creation of Yes Scotland. We were organising and setting out our key objectives well before the celebrities took to the stage for Yes Scotland in Fountainbridge. We never need to question the reason for our set up; it certainly wasn't as a financial flue for a yes vote, but a real determination to ensure women feature in this debate.

It is with some bemusement that I view papers like the Guardian and Holyrood Magazine suggest that there is a women's organisation on the No side of the debate equitable to ours. Don't misunderstand, if there was, it would be good for democracy and encouraging, but Together Women is not a genuine autonomous organisation. It is a pop up stand created to put a sticking plaster over a gaping hole in Better Together strategy.

Compare and contrast. Women For Independence have meetings, local groups too numerous to mention, staff, literature, a website, a twitter account, a distinct voice. Together Women have none of these, but presence in the debate wholly unwarranted by any action of theirs, but through a media driven desire to represent equally.

My No voting friend said many are not campaigning for No because they simply don't care. If that is true, why does the media like to pretend that they do?


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The above is the text of a piece in the Courier on May 17th 2014.

To clarify and substantiate my comments:

1. I attended STUC Women's Conference. Together Women were there with pull up stands but no literature. I have yet to see any women specific literature which may have been created since then, but it may exist. However, at a public event in Glasgow last week, a representative again turned up with no literature.

2. On at least two occasions organisers of women only events have had to move events and eventually threaten to no platform Together Women if they didn't commit to attending. Eventually they did, only for one participant to no show with no explanation.

3. Better Together's own submission to the electoral commission makes clear that Together Women is not an autonomous organisation. That means it comes wholly under the organisation and control of Better Together.

4. Together Women have no website, and can only be emailed through the Better Together website which prevents organisations being able to record the email stream.

5. In terms of activity, it seems there was brief flurry around the announcement on the Better Together website page by Jackie Baillie on IWD 2013, but little since, except the much trailed meetings in Glasgow and Edinburgh last month.

6. I have seen the photos of the Together Women event in Glasgow last month - which seemed to be timed to coincide with the visit of the Labour Shadow Cabinet as the in photo were all women I recognise as elected or staffers, perhaps bar one or two. I haven't seen the photographs of Edinburgh, so cannot comment.

7. There is no pictoral or testimony evidence of any public events or real engagement with the public.

I could go on. However, let me be clear, my criticism is mainly aimed at the media who, in their desire for parity, have dressed up the role and function of organisations.

I am sure that some of the policy work being done internally by Together Women is important. That said, it is irrefutable that it is not a grassroots organisation in the tradition of Women For Independence or any of the other public engagement groups on the Yes side of this debate.

700 words isn't much to expand an argument, so I regret if the brevity of my piece failed to convey that my opinion was based on personal experience. It isn't disrespectful to rectify an imbalance, however that is received, and it is not a personal criticism either. It is an observation based on the facts as presented to me.

Wednesday, 23 April 2014

A Fool Moon Rising


It is an interesting thing, Twitter. Interesting in the speed at which people can respond to issues, interesting in the discussions which can take place and the news that happens while you watch and fascinating to see memes or trends unfold in front of you. It is curiously diverting in the level of access that it gives to people to contact politicians, celebrity, footballers and ordinary folk like most of you and me.  It is one of the biggest experiments in the democratisation of one-to-one communication in human history, with a future path – including the inevitable end – that no-one can predict with any level of accuracy.

That raises the level of expectation and assumption that all people have the right to contact anyone they want and not be challenged, ignored or blocked, as if the UN Declaration on Human Rights has been amended and extended from freedom of expression to include, "freedom to be heard and acknowledged on Twitter".  Never has the phrase “freedom of speech” been bastardised and thrown around by so many who seem certain the right applies only to them.

I support absolutely the right to freedom of expression, but I also uphold the view that not every view which is expressed need have an audience, or garner a response. This is how I conduct my Twitter. Despite standing for election, I am not a politician, I am an individual. I have never been employed in any capacity through politics and that means I don't have to put up with people for whom a full moon is a call to arms.

I don't have to respond or give free access to people who say I "look like a chipmunk" or various other oh so witty rebukes.  I don't respect them as individuals, and quite frankly, I don't have to. They are trolls. I am quite entitled not to have to withstand such nonsense.

However, you won't see me in the Daily Mail complaining about the unfairness of it all in a paper that disgraces itself daily. That would be rank hypocrisy. I wouldn't alternately rebuke the Daily Mail for its practises then use it as instrument to lament my woes.

During the Cowdenbeath by-election I was subjected to an absolute barrage of abuse. I didn't respond to most of it because why bother, but at times I was tempted to tweet back and none too politely.  I found out the name of one of the people who was tweeting and re-tweeting some of the abusive nonsense - and noticed her interesting sideline in casual racism - but I didn't expose her. I could have.

In a bizarre demonstration of hopeless naivety, this particular individual also chose to name her account as an homage to her place of employment.  30 seconds on Google revealed her likely workplace.  I could have reported her despicable conduct to her employers, a major UK public sector organisation.  But unlike others, I didn't.

I was also trolled continuously by the Labour Party and by elected Labour politicians. I do think that a political party tweeting where I spent the night is disgusting. It also showed that they were trawling and monitoring the social media of people with whom I frequently correspond as the tweet that contained my whereabouts did not originate from me.

Is it any wonder more ”ordinary” people do not put our heads above the parapet when the level of bile which is directed at us is about our relationships, our appearance, our private lives, our friendships, our dress sense, our eating habits  to the point where we sleep at night is considered fair game? To have a political party acting as an attack dog on social media is to open the floodgates and to say to their supporters that this kind of behaviour is acceptable.  It isn't.

The Labour Party also kept on record tweets I sent in 2012.  They didn't task some whey-faced intern to pull an all-nighter hunched over their keyboard and dig out what they could about me - though they did that too later - they had them captured hours after the fact and had kept them on record since. In 2012 I was not a candidate, I was not an elected politician – I was just one of thousands of people in this country saying what I thought via social media - and yet they were capturing and storing information on me. What do they have on you?

Put aside for the moment the complete innocuousness of the tweets of mine they stored 'just in case' and consider just how anti-democratic and self-defeating this is. We frequently ask for politicians to be human, yet castigate them for mistakes or experiments which might have happened in a callow youth, or earlier on in their lives. What about rehabilitation? Do we not create a more socially just country when we bring in people who have more experience of life than the PPE Oxbridge educated types who dominate our political landscape at Westminster; who went straight from university, to researcher, to the House of Commons? Do we not want people with a bit of chutzpah? A bit of life knocking them down and them finding their feet?

The eagerness of those who regurgitate the phrase “hard-working families” to do their utmost to besmirch those from ordinary backgrounds who seek to campaign to change society for the better would be laughable were it not so cynical and depressing.  More and more those with a genuine self-narrative to tell, for better and for worse, are attacked for their impertinence in not being part of the cult of the careerist that seems to be the template for the “ideal” political campaigner.

Use of social media is not dictated entirely by that media, it is about the individual user too. Sometimes the ease of access to other people is a privilege, and a minority of the time it is not.

I use the block function for many reasons. Sometimes I use it as a mute for users who are simply boring and repetitive and blocking means they are not retweeted in to my timeline.

That might mean I've never actually interacted with them, but have seen their opinions in my timeline and decided life would be simpler without having to view them. I have blocked many people who have been personally abusive to me and blocked people who have tweeted me - and a look at whose account shows their continual interactions with other people, already blocked for similar attitudes to other people.  Trolls feeding the trolls, in some circular conversation of bile and insults.

It used to be the case on Twitter that when you blocked people on a particular account they could no longer use that account to view your tweets. Twitter seems to have done away with that function. With the rise in online abuse it seems a cavalier move to mean that block only serves to stop you seeing tweets about you while allowing the abuser to read and respond to your tweets and then tag you for the world to see.  Whilst I find most of these individuals irritating and pitiful, what of those for whom abuse is debilitating and affecting?

Twitter works best with an open account because you get to interact with a variety of new people and people can respond to and use your very occasional pearls of wisdom. That said, I tend to think: my Twitter, my rules. If you don't like me or how I use my Twitter, frankly, I don't really give a damn.

And if you hide behind an egg or a pseudonym and use that anonymity to attack people, you are a coward and undeserving of a response. Just don't forget, that anonymity is not absolute.

Never forget the tale of poor Doreen.

Tuesday, 29 October 2013

Over to you, Margaret

Dear Margaret,

I have quite the conundrum. I wonder if you could help me with it.

My Scots born best friend moved to Beijing in 2005. She had previously spent a year studying in Canada, but she came back and I could find no traces of latent Canadianism.

Over the last few years she has learned to speak Mandarin quite competently. She also works for the EU. That could be another nail in her coffin, right?

Whilst she has been in Beijing she has met and fallen in love with a Northern Irish chap. Except, he was born and spent the first five years of his life in Germany as a forces brat. He has no trace of a Germanic accent though, or Northern Irish for that matter. He sounds English.

Anyway, I digress. They have been together for a few years and announced earlier this year they were going to have a baby. He was born safely today.

I am not sure if I should be excited. I need to clarify a few points: Did both my friend and her partner move to China and become foreign, or were they already foreign from living in Canada and Germany? Is it worse or better that China is outwith the EU? I am not sure how Labour feel about the EU, you see.

Will their son be Chinese because he is born in Beijing, or is his nationality determined by his parents, and if that is the case, which nationality is the dominant? Is it his mother's Scots or Canadian or Chinese? Or his dad's Northern Irish, German or Chinese nationality.

This is quite the quandary. You have been known to express an a opinion or two about folk moving "abroad" and becoming foreigners.

Until the point I heard your cogent argument, I was tempted to treat their son as an honorary nephew on account his mother and her family feel as close to me as my own. I was naive to think the bonds that bind us, of blood and/or of love, were more important than borders.

Also, can you explain how your position reconciles this with notions of solidarity?

Can you help me?

Should I even buy them a present?

Bamboozled,

Glasgow

Tuesday, 21 May 2013

Polling and Celebrities and Reports, Oh My!



I don’t give much credence to political polling; in a similar but lesser way to the credence I give to “celebrities” who endorse political parties.  I understand the need for both; the obsession of the media to hang labels on folk and to have some sense of public opinion at any given point in time. We should not expect either one represent real public opinion. For “celebrity” does not in and of itself confer greater understanding, and polls data is conjured by the gathering of the views of registered, interested individuals. 

Last week the Texas singer Sharleen Spiteri was asked in an interview about independence, and her preference – should she be eligible to vote - was to stay in the union.  Part of her reasoning was based on the fact – in her opinion - that Scotland did not have the oil and gas resources to keep ourselves afloat. Now, Spiteri is perfectly entitled to her position on independence, and we should never despise people the right to free speech and to form their own opinions, but I would hope that by September 2014, we have an electorate who are more aware of the genuine facts and implications of independence than Ms Spiteri is at present. 

Please do not read the above as criticism of Ms Spiteri as much as a pertinent example that even the very blatant fact of Scotland’s relative oil wealth hasn’t become totally embedded in public consciousness. This demonstrates that the Yes campaign have a lot of work to do if this most simple and irrefutable of facts is still to be accepted by the public as the more reliable position. 

However, who said it would be easy to change public consciousness? Current Scottish society is one which has been brought up ill-at-ease with itself; uncomfortable in its place in the UK and even more tentative, without voice, abroad. It is no surprise then that we should always see the worst, the most pessimistic reflection of ourselves in the mirror. The “wha’s like us ...?” mentality is unsubstantiated bravado which is baseless in the reality of Scots and Scotland asserting ourselves for at least the last century. Scratch beneath the surface and we are all just looking for reassurance of our position and place. 

This is one area that the collective parties and organisations of the Yes campaign have to tackle to win; our own scepticism in our abilities. Scotland as a nation constantly demonstrates that she is too scared to try because trying could result in failure. When we do battle our natural reticence, look what we can do. At the second go we voted for devolution, and we haven’t looked back. Only some very insular and UKIP types would suggest anything other than that the Scottish Parliament has been an important step forward.

The Yes campaign should have the messages which can convince the public of our ability to go it alone, and the way that these messages are conveyed will make the difference between a yes and a no vote. Already the appetite for more information and interest in the independence referendum is more palpable than it was six months ago, and the Yes campaign must be proactive in setting out positions and messages which can resonate with ordinary folk. They must also continue the massive ground movement of campaigners who are available to speaker to voters.

As far as I can see, the No campaign have been relatively successful in these early days because they have the might of sections of the media, and UK wide audience and politicians to assist them.  They are also able to use the machinery of the UK institutions to produce materials which they plan to be contrary to the benefits of independence. 

This particular strategy – whilst successful early on – may not be as reliable as early indications and polling data have led the No campaign to believe going forward. We have seen the efficacy of this methodology when the first paper on Scotland’s relationship with the EU failed to pull the punches it was hyped to do and the experts commissioned were, if not supportive, then certainly tolerant of the Scottish Government’s position. Furthermore, the UK Government plan to produce a paper a month about independence and the implications thereof seems to have fallen by the wayside. Now that we have a timetable for the Scottish Government’s release of information – including the White Paper – we have a reliable schedule whereby the Yes campaign and the associated political parties can be more proactive in their approach to how they produce and respond.

The debate until now has been somewhat characterised by the bombastic bluster of the No campaign and the relative fire fighting of the Yes campaign over what information is released to the public via the media. However, the Yes campaign has begun the process of assimilating talented individuals who can work with the information and schedule which the Scottish Government has produced to plan more effectively for the future. I am of the opinion that we will start to see a very different strategy going forward.

The narrative thus far by the No campaign has revealed little original thinking. The most original and creative idea I have seen so far has been to suggest that, yes, Scotland does have plenty of oil, but it does not have sufficient infrastructure to support the oil industry.  Whoever came up with that particular nugget deserves a medal. I understand that the role of the No campaign is to create uncertainty, but I think it is sad if Scots choose to stay in the UK because we are frightened in to submission. 

Yes, it is one purpose of the No campaign to expose what weaknesses and chinks it thinks it can find in the Yes argument, but surely the more important point is to convince people of the relative benefits of the status quo.  It is only the status quo which they can promise. Alistair Darling who heads the Better Together is an MP but has no power to action any further devolution plans, and the constitution of the Westminster Government post 2015 is entirely up in the air. Neither Labour or the Tories, or indeed the Lib Dems, are in the position to make any real or tangible offer of further powers. It is all very well for the Labour Party to create their “United With Labour” campaign, but what can they promise? On the basis of the performances of the Labour party in Holyrood and Westminster, neither branch of the Labour party will be in power any time soon.

This leaves us with the choice of status quo, with a potential referendum on membership of Europe, or full independence with the opportunity to decide on what constitutes that independence. Any attempt to suggest that there are other options are on the table is disingenuous.

Since the relatives highs of the post Scottish Parliament election 2011 polling data on independence, the Yes campaign have seen those figures trough slightly but remain fairly static. Meanwhile, the No campaign has seen their very strong, majority No position eroded in favour of a higher percentage of “Don’t knows” in those certain to vote. So, whilst the relative stability of the Yes vote in the low 30%s must provide some concern, it definitely the No campaign who have more to fear at present.  They have been chucking everything but the kitchen sink at the Yes campaign and yet we see this erosion in their support. In fact, that majority is very much in danger.

When the No campaign are denigrating the abilities of the very people they wish to convince by suggesting we are the only country in the world which cannot go it alone, and are signing up to hitch their wagons to any message, regardless of ideology, which they think will somehow skewer the Yes campaign, and are still in decline, they are really in trouble. Quite regardless of the politicians, the actual “Better Together” campaign seems to me to be staffed by sneering schoolboys hiding in their gang hut who respond to genuine questioning with pettiness, and allow for the sanitisation of their Facebook threads – even when the questions asked of them have genuine merit. The electorate have the right to expect more than that – even if they see activists of other stripes as fair game. 

If a genuine question about data sharing with political party partners is met with ridicule, I shudder to think what else they think below their contempt.

This debate is just beginning with the real public; the voters.  I think as more people become involved in the conversation and as more details are released to them, the trend of the No vote downward will continue, but I think we will see the Yes vote start to increase as some of the undecided voters hear what the facts and messages that they need to hear.

If you believe in polls, and read the Panelbase one yesterday, you could argue that this has already begun.

We shall see. Game on, as someone once said.

Friday, 10 May 2013

Calm down, what is a little third party data pass on between friends?



Imagine, for a moment, this scenario: a canvasser comes to your door and identifies themselves explicitly as a member of the Yes or No campaign on Scottish independence. This gives you pause for thought. You may, or may not, vote regularly. You may not even be registered to vote. What you are is interested in the future of our country.

For many years you may have been sceptical about voting.  You may have voted in elections, you might not have. At the back of your mind lurks the thought, “what difference does it make, politicians are all the same?” I’d pause around to discuss this with you for a while and maybe remonstrate a bit that some politicians – across the political spectrum – really do care, but that isn’t the issue at hand here. 

The vote on Scottish independence transcends party politics. Heck, it transcends politicians. That is a good and necessary thing.

Of course, it is inevitable that it is politicians who shape the narrative of the debate about our constitutional future, but make no mistake; this is our vote and our future. Party policies should go on a hiatus between the independence referendum and the elections for the first Scottish parliament in 2016 whilst we wrangle out a settlement from the UK and perhaps, discuss what we would like to see in a written constitution; shaping the framework for a new country based on the principles and ideals of our country and the people who live here.

Or maybe – heaven forefend – we get a no vote and we have to take a serious look at how we are governed presently, and make changes. For, let’s be emphatic and clear, the status quo does not work, and an absolute majority of Scots – pro-independence or not – want to see a huge transfer of powers from Westminster. 

The most consistent polling – whilst I don’t really put much stock in polling data – show a dissatisfaction with the status quo and a demand for more powers which is not even remotely satisfied by the Calman Commission. The Calman Commission, in my opinion, is barely worth the paper it is written – at length – on. It may be a sop to some political parties, but it doesn’t address the inequities of the status quo or any of the real requirements of the public

So, the public should be at the forefront of any campaign for the future of our country. The public should shape the future that we conclude. The public should be canvassed with no agenda beyond that of discussing our constitutional future. If you turn up on the public’s doorstep and tell them that is what you are doing, then that is what you should do.

If the SNP arrive mob-handed on your doorstep canvassing data for the independence referendum, it is fairly obvious that your details will be stored by the SNP. Similarly if the campaigner is in any other political party arguing any other constitutional future and identifies as such, it is inevitable your details will be stored by them.

However, when a representative of the respective Yes or No campaigns arrives on your doorstep, you are entitled to believe you are entering a discussion which transcends party politics. Perhaps you don’t really like discussing your political ideology, and after all, why should your political views form part of a discussion about your voting intentions or thoughts about the referendum?

Why would the Yes or no campaign collect data which refers to your previous or future party political voting? The Yes and no campaigns have a shelf life. They don’t need this data to progress. They will be extinct, come what may, on the nineteenth of September 2014.

So, why then is Better Together actively asking folk about their voting intentions? Why does it form part of their canvass data and canvass cards? And why are they passing this information on to third parties, namely their political party partners? Are you happy to have your voting intentions passed to the Conservatives, say, when you wouldn’t give that information to an acknowledged Conservative campaigner on your doorstep? Would you disclose this information if you knew where it would end up?

I appreciate there may be small print on the polling cards which discloses where your data might end up, but is this sufficient? If the information is filled in for you by a campaigner, and you never see the polling card, is it disclosed to you by the person on your doorstep? 

Moreover, why does Better Together want this information? And how do they justify collecting it?

A Better Together spokesperson said, 

“We are content that everything that we do in terms of data collection is in accordance with the relevant legislation”.

I am sure that is absolutely the case, but it still doesn’t justify the collection in the first place. And it only counts as within data protection legislation if the caveat is made available to, or disclosed to the person who supplies the data. Surely it is disingenuous to masquerade as one thing whilst collecting data for another; however legally it is framed. Honesty and openness is an entirely different framework.
Something doesn’t stack up.

So, the lesson is always to check the small print. Clearly Better Together is the political equivalent of an online marketer who passes on your details to a third party resulting in unsolicited correspondence. And indeed, Better Together have been known to utilise these third party marketers themselves to legally purchase telephone data for their much derided and unsolicited text message campaign.

We need openness and transparency in this debate. That goes for campaign techniques as well as messaging.